The Role of Sabbath-keeping, Christian Internalization, Need Satisfaction, and Parental Environment in Well-being

J. N. Andrews Honors Program Andrews University HONS 497 Honors Thesis The Role of Sabbath-Keeping, Christian Internalization, Need Satisfaction, and Parental Environment in Well-Being Paola S. Caceres March 31, 2014 Advisor: Dr. Karl G. D. Bailey Primary Advisor Signature: ____________________ Department: Behavioral Sciences Department & Behavioral Neurosciences Program SABBATH-KEEPING AND WELL-BEING 2 Abstract Identifying which specific religious practices promote religious internalization is crucial in understanding the relationship between religious practice and well-being. The current study employs surveys along with an episodic memory recall task to examine whether the relationship between Sabbath-keeping internalization and well-being is mediated by Christian religious internalization, parental environment, and basic need satisfaction as outlined in Self-Determination Theory. Our mediation analysis results demonstrate a large mediation effect size for daily basic needs satisfaction (autonomy, competence, and autonomy) on the relationship between internalization of Sabbathkeeping and well-being. Small to medium effect sizes were found for a general measure of Christian internalization and parental environment.Identifying which specific religious practices promote religious internalization is crucial in understanding the relationship between religious practice and well-being. The current study employs surveys along with an episodic memory recall task to examine whether the relationship between Sabbath-keeping internalization and well-being is mediated by Christian religious internalization, parental environment, and basic need satisfaction as outlined in Self-Determination Theory. Our mediation analysis results demonstrate a large mediation effect size for daily basic needs satisfaction (autonomy, competence, and autonomy) on the relationship between internalization of Sabbathkeeping and well-being. Small to medium effect sizes were found for a general measure of Christian internalization and parental environment. SABBATH-KEEPING AND WELL-BEING 3 The Role of Sabbath-Keeping, Christian Internalization, Need Satisfaction, and Parental Environment in Well-Being Human beings are endowed with the ability to initiate and regulate their behavior. At their best, they can be proactive and engaged agents that show considerable effort and commitment as they strive towards psychological growth and unity, or, alternatively, be passive and apathetic, expressing a lack of concern with responsibility and community. The fact that individuals express both constructive and indolent behavior regardless of cultural origin, age, and social status suggests that the psychological growth and overall well-being of individuals are not the result of mere biological cues or social-contextual dispositional differences. The wide range of reactions to social environments also tells us that social contexts catalyze both within and between-person differences in psychological growth, suggesting that there are particular social domains, cultures, and situations that result in people having higher-levels of motivation, integration, and well-being. Thus, research that seeks to identify the conditions that foster or undermine the persistence of behavioral quality and performance ought to have an approach that keeps these discrepancies at the forefront. Research driven by Self-Determination Theory is concerned precisely with these issues. The theory recognizes the intrinsic human tendency towards achieving a coherent view of the self as well as the extrinsic contingencies that lead to conditioned responses and fragmentation (Ryan & Deci, 2004). Self-Determination Theory Self-Determination Theory (SDT; Ryan, Kuhl, & Deci, 1997; Ryan & Deci, 2000; Deci & Ryan, 2008) is a theory of human motivation and behavior that construes human development and well-being as being sustained and energized by the fulfillment of three innate psychological needs: competence (White, 1959), autonomy (deCharms, 1968) and relatedness (Harlow, 1958). The concept of basic needs delineated in Self-Determination Theory includes 1) an emphasis on individual psychological rather than biological needs (e.g., hunger, thirst, sex) as was the case in the SABBATH-KEEPING AND WELL-BEING 4 early need theories 2) the view that these psychological needs are innate, thus being part of all individuals’ inherent nature and remaining important throughout the life-span, and 3) that basic need satisfaction is essential for individuals’ optimal functioning and wellness in the same way that the presence of water, minerals, and sunshine is crucial for plants to grow (Ryan, 1997; Hull, 1943). Self-determination theory identifies the need for autonomy, competence, and relatedness as being essential for human growth and development—they are necessities rather than acquired motivations, regardless of whether or not the individual is conscious of them. Moreover, a large body of research shows that satisfaction of these three needs is associated with measures of purpose and meaning in life, emotional well-being, psychological adjustment, and well-being (Meyer, Enstrom, Harsveit, Bowles, & Beevers, 2007; Reis, Sheldon, Gable, Roscoe & Ryan, 2000; Sheldon, Ryan & Reis, 1996). When these needs are not being met, such as when the surrounding context of the individual is controlling, rejecting, or overly demanding, defensive or self-protective behaviors may be adopted that could lead to antisocial activities as well as withdrawn concern for the self, both of which may attenuate the level of subjective well-being of the person (Deci & Ryan, 2000). Accordingly, STD is primarily concerned with motivation and figuring out the difference between individuals who choose to engage in activities and behaviors based on external factors such as rewards or punishment (extrinsic motivation) as opposed to individuals who are motivated from within, by reasons inherent in those activities and behaviors themselves (intrinsic motivation). Psychological theories concerned with these two types of motivation have proposed that they are additive or associated with a single source for motivation (Atkinson, 1964; Baumeister, & Vohs, 1997). However, in SDT, internal and external motivations are not additive—they often compete interactively for the control of human behavior. Moreover, SDT suggests that when rewards are contingent upon the behaviors in question or are perceived as externally controlling a particular behavior external, a decrease in internal motivation is observed (Deci, Koestner, & Ryan, 1999). SABBATH-KEEPING AND WELL-BEING 5 SDT also makes a distinction between controlled motivations perceived as external forces and autonomous motivations resulting from full volition (Deci & Ryan, 2000; Deci & Ryan, 2008). The theory proposes that when individuals personally identify with an externally-controlled behavior as being important, they move from controlled extrinsic motivation to autonomous extrinsic and intrinsic motivations and then integrate the behavior with other aspects of their selves (Deci & Ryan, 2008). This shift is much more likely to take place in a social context where relatedness and trusted feedback about competence are promoted. The resulting autonomous and internalized behaviors have been linked to increased overall subjective well-being (Deci & Ryan, 2000). A Self-Determination Theory Model of Sabbath Keeping A theoretical relationship between the practice of Sabbath keeping and well-being that places basic human needs at the forefront has been fleshed out within the framework of SelfDetermination Theory (Diddams, et al., 2004). The researchers hypothesize that religious behaviors do not always hinder or improve well-being directly, what matters is how the behavior is being regulated. This means that even if two adherents perform the same religious behaviors, they may experience them differently depending on whether the regulations if more identified or introjected. With this in mind, Diddams and her colleagues (2004) propose three Sabbath-keeping models within the framework of SDT that lead to differences in well-being. The first model is Life Segmentation, in which people actively segment their lives to create respite. This model places boundaries in time between work life and other important aspects of life such as family, worship, or spiritual activities. By creating boundaries from work and intentionally choosing to rest, individuals affirm that they are not slaves to what they do. Keeping the Sabbath, then, can be seen as an affirmation of freedom (autonomy) that allows individuals to declare themselves free from cultural conceptions of time and assert that they more than just a tool to be used. The notion that work is a part, rather than the whole, of life also makes room for interpersonal SABBATH-KEEPING AND WELL-BEING 6 relationships to be attended to, thus helping adherents to gain a greater sense of belonging and preserve ethical boundaries (relatedness). Lastly, the Sabbath is not just a day reserved for spiritual exercises but also as a time to reflect over the work accomplished during the week and rest with the contentment that what we have created is good. These acts of mindfulness occurring at an individual level coupled with received supportive feedback from a supportive social community fosters a sense of competence and encourages the habit of self-affirming thoughts. Thus, adherents to this model of Sabbath keeping should also find an increase in feelings of competence and in their ability to meet the challenges of the week. Adherents who are unsuccessful in their segmentation of time, however, run the danger of experiencing continued stressful rumination despite physical detachment (Cropley & Purvis, 2003), or may ultimately view Sabbath practice as a new set of rules and regulations to be adhered to (Diddams, et al., 2004). The second model of Sabbath keeping, prescribed meaning, involves prescribing positive and religious meaning to life segmentation but only as a means to an end (Diddams, et al., 2004). In this model, personal importance is consciously placed on behavioral outcomes, but the behavior is not completely internalized, thereby modeling identified regulation in SDT (Deci & Ryan, 2000). Adherents who follow this model reflect on counter-cultural habits of time keeping, thereby imputing positive personal meaning to undervalued aspects of life. Basic needs are met by viewing the behavioral changes that take place during the Sabbath as being personally significant, a means by which soul renewal and transformation takes place. Consequently, adherents find that keeping the Sabbath reduces their stress, helps them redefine what is important, and serves as an opportunity to reconnect with the people they love and care about. However, because identified regulation limits integration of behaviors with the self, the major threat to this model results from a self-perception of hypocrisy leading to increased levels of guilt and shame, where Sabbath keeping occurs only as a means of personal importance (time for family and self-improvement) rather than as a joyful SABBATH-KEEPING AND WELL-BEING 7 remembrance of God’s covenant with humankind (Diddams, et al., 2004). Such means-ends reasoning could also lead to thwarted perceptions of competence in religious growth, thus reducing autonomy and well-being. The third and final model of Sabbath keeping, integrated Sabbath, involves internalizing Sabbath keeping in such a way that the principles of Sabbath keeping are articulated in every aspect of the adherent’s life (Diddams, et al., 2004). In this model Sabbath keeping is celebrated as an integrated belief system of daily rest, reflection and relationship development. There is a clear parallel in this model with integrated regulation and intrinsic regulation, both of which involve the complete assimilation of the behavior into individuals’ core selves. This final model of Sabbath keeping integrates aspects of the other models two in the sense that people who follow an integrated model will segment their lives as well as identify the Sabbath with positive meanings. Moreover, an integrated model does not end with mere segmentation, it guides and informs all days of the week and gives meaning to work as well as to rest. When integrated Sabbath keepers feel that they are in acting in accordance with their best selves in keeping the Sabbath, we would expect low stress levels and increased well-being. Based on the integrated Sabbath model, Diddams and her colleagues (2004) suggest that Sabbath keeping directly meets the three innate human needs identified by SDT (autonomy, competence, and relatedness). First, they assert that the act of resting is a statement of autonomy from external demands. Moreover, they suggest that a complete separation from the demands of work is a statement of competence. Perceived competence increases both because the Sabbath keeper is able to complete their given work without resorting to lessening their available time for rest and because Sabbath keeping without worry builds hope for the future and faith that God is in control without hampering feelings of personal control (Welton, Adkins, Ingle, & Dixon, 1996). SABBATH-KEEPING AND WELL-BEING 8 Finally, Sabbath-keeping in a relational context builds relatedness and increases the likelihood of adherents receiving positive feedback, leading to further internalization of Sabbath keeping. This last supposition is of particular interest for the current study, as it suggests that SDT models of Sabbath keeping cannot be properly tested in the absence of a community of Sabbath keepers. Because of the distinctive routine, social, and mindful aspects of Sabbath keeping, the relationship between internalization of Sabbath keeping may be stronger than the previously demonstrated relationships between other low-cost practices and well-being or between avoidance of secular activities and well-being (Superville, et al., 2013; Ryan, et al., 1993; Neyrinck, et al., 2006). Internalization of Religion and Well-Being Previous research examining the relationship between internalization of religious motivations and well-being has shown higher levels of well-being are reported when religious practices are perceived as autonomously regulated, congruent with personal goals, and inseparable from the self (Ryan, Rigby, & King, 1993; Neyrinck, Vansteenkiste, Lens, Duriez, & Hutsebart, 2006; Soenens, et al., 2012; Neyrink, Lens & Vansteenkiste, 2005; Zeldman, 2006). Lower levels of well-being are commonly reported when religious practices are controlled by guilt, social pressure, fear, or shame (Mochon, et al., 2011; Ryan, et al., 1993; Neyrinck, et al., 2006; Dudley, 1978). These findings should come as no shock, given that thwarted human autonomy invariably leads to higher levels of stress and impairs well-being (Ratelle, Simard, & Guay, 2012; Weinstein & Ryan, 2011). Sabbath–keeping and Well-Being among Seventh-Day Adventists The only major study that demonstrates the relationship between Sabbath keeping and wellbeing among Seventh-day Adventists was conducted by Superville and his colleagues (2013). They found a small correlation (r =.11) between Sabbath-keeping and mental health, and no correlation between Sabbath-keeping and physical health. In a bootstrapped mediation analysis, the researchers found four variables—religious coping, religious support, diet, and exercise—that weakly mediate SABBATH-KEEPING AND WELL-BEING 9 the relationships between Sabbath-keeping and physical and mental health (nonexistent correlations but significant total effects are possible in bootstrapped mediation analyses). Given that the most substantial indirect effects of Sabbath keeping were from religious coping and support on mental health, it is feasible that distinctive religious practices might be a means by which religious belief translates to well-being. However, because the study is cross-sectional, this mediation cannot be interpreted causally; it is quite possible that Sabbath keeping practices might themselves be the means by which opportunities for coping and support are expressed and successfully met. Moreover, the authors note that some of the mediations are properly interpreted as shared variance and because Sabbath keeping was simply defined as avoidance of secular activities and not in terms of the psychological experience of Sabbath keeping, the relationship between Sabbath keeping beliefs and well-being remains untested in published studies. Nevertheless, the Superville study (2013) makes a strong case for the involvement of Sabbath-keeping internalization in the well-being of Seventh-day Adventists. A study by Bailey and Emanuel (2013) found similar but stronger relationships in a sample of college students, as well as evidence for the role of internalization in well-being. Based on a theoretical model proposed by Diddams, Surdyk, & Daniels (2004), Bailey & Emanuel (2013) developed an instrument that measured internalization of Sabbath keeping, which was moderately positively correlated with well-being, participation in religious activities on the Sabbath, and a general measure of internalization of Christianity. Bailey and Emanuel (2013) also found that the relationship between internalization of Sabbath keeping and well-being was only weakly mediated by internalization of Christianity, suggesting unique contributions of Sabbath-keeping internalization to well-being above and beyond general internalization of religion. What remains unclear from these studies is the mechanism by which Sabbath-keeping relates to well-being. It could be that Sabbath-keeping functions as means of exposing Seventh-day SABBATH-KEEPING AND WELL-BEING 10 Adventists to opportunities for coping, support, and instruction in well-being. However, it is also possible that internalization of Sabbath-keeping is a proximal mechanism of well-being for Seventhday Adventists because it is an extremely effective means of meeting basic psychological needs. Such an effect would be consistent with other work showing moderate to strong effects of internalization of religion on mental and physical health (Neyrinck, Vansteenkiste, Lens, Duriez, & Hutsebaut, 2006; Ryan, Rigby, & King, 1993; Zeldman, 2006). Parenting Style and Autobiographical Memories Given the prominence of basic psychological needs throughout the lifespan, their need satisfaction representations should also be attached to parenting styles and to the deeper structures of our psyches, including autobiographical memories. Moreover, because parenting style and memory are both associated with well-being, both of these factors could have a mediating effect on the established moderate relationship between Sabbath-keeping and well-being. Parental environments infused with meaningful and repeated rituals that communicate identity, involve enduring commitments, and persist across generations and have been shown to be associated with increased well-being as they (Fiese, et al, 2002; Fiese, Foley, & Spagnola, 2006). Social Learning Theory suggests that expectations, competencies, and attitudes developed within an attachment relationship are expected to influence children’s orientation to peer relationships (Howes, et al., 1994). Furthermore, attachment theory suggests that emotional security within adultchild relationships is associated with children’s peer relationships (relatedness). Negative interaction patterns, low levels of acceptance and support, as well as marital conflict have been correlated to low interpersonal competence levels in children while positive and warm interactions, secure attachment, and high quality parenting strategies predict high interpersonal competence (Isley et. al, 1999, Ladd & Golter, 1988). Attachment theory also leads to the suggestion that the supportive function of attachment relations may be most salient during early adolescent transitions. Given the overarching SABBATH-KEEPING AND WELL-BEING 11 role of parents in the development of their children, it makes sense for well-being and basic need satisfaction to be impacted by parental behavior. People use autobiographical memories to achieve effectiveness, connectedness, and coherence. Thus, memories characterized by need satisfaction should also be indicative of opportunities for psychological growth and expansion of the self (Philippe, e. et al., 2011). Positive experiences of attachment, success, and self-expression have been shown to boost people’s selfconfidence and promote their self-growth (Deci & Ryan, 2000). Moreover, autobiographical memories serve many directive functions; they inspire, motivate, guide and inform the present choices, attitudes, and activities of the individual (Pillemer, 2003). Thus, autobiographical memory is an important source of information for the self and can have both an immediate and long-lasting effect on people’s well-being. Self-defining memories, for example, are believed to play a crucial role in the identity and self-perception of individuals and are defined as being emotional, vivid, and repeatedly retrieved (Singer & Salovey, 1993). These types of memories are also linked people’s enduring life concerns, thus making them a likely reference point for future action that may consequently impact well-being (Singer & Salovey, 1993). Research has also shown that episodic memory components or themes were associated with well-being, even after controlling for common personality traits (Bauer et al., 2005). Philippe et al. (2011) found similar evidence with respect to need satisfaction. They showed that need satisfaction in memories remained associated with well-being, even after controlling for personality traits and self-determined orientation. Furthermore, satisfaction in memories was still significantly associated with well-being once need satisfaction in general was taken into account. Given these results and what we know about autobiographical memories, memories characterized by need satisfaction should signal possibilities for psychological growth, the opportunity to build and expand the self, and lead to higher levels of subjective well-being (Deci & Ryan, 2000; Hodgins & Knee, 2002). SABBATH-KEEPING AND WELL-BEING 12 Alternatively, memories where basic needs are thwarted should signal potential threats to the psychological growth of the individual and lead to self-closure strategies, thereby attenuating wellbeing (Deci & Ryan, 2000; Hodgins & Knee, 2002). In short, the level of need satisfaction characterizing memories should have an important impact in people’s well-being. The Present Study The present study examines the nature of Sabbath-keeping experiences among college students at Andrews University. Our aim is to examine whether the relationship between internalization of Sabbath-keeping and well-being is mediated by basic need satisfaction and perceived parenting style via surveys and an episodic memory recall technique (Philippe, et al., 2011). The internalization of religion is discussed using Self-Determination Theory-based models of Sabbath keeping proposed by Diddam, Surdyk, & Daniels (2004) and operationalized by Bailey and Emanuel (2013). Moreover, because life-long Adventists will have learned their Sabbath-keeping practices from their parents, we also intend to examine the relationships between Sabbath-keeping narratives, well-being, Sabbath-keeping internalization, need satisfaction, and perception of parents among life-long Adventists. Specifically, we examined the following hypotheses: 1) Sabbath keeping narratives, after being coded for basic psychological needs being satisfied or thwarted (as in Philippe, Koestner, Beaulieu-Pelletier, & Lecours, 2011) will be positively related to well-being and internalization of Sabbath keeping. 2) For life-long Adventists, relationships to parents will be positively related to need satisfaction, well-being, and internalization of Sabbath keeping. 3) Need satisfaction and relationships to parents (for life-long Adventists) will mediate the relationship between Sabbath keeping and well-being. SABBATH-KEEPING AND WELL-BEING 13